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Burma's dangerous message on drugs

(Editorial - Bangkok Post - November 7, 1999

The military rulers of Burma clearly have their policies backward. Last week, the regime allowed the British activist Rachel Goldwyn out of prison after she served two months of a seven-year sentence for singing a pro-democracy song. She was released on her sworn promise never to repeat such an act in Burma again. A day later, the dictatorship further hardened its policy against arresting or extraditing top drug dealers. Theregime will cooperate with them, in a campaign for national reconciliation.

In Burma, then, drug traffickers have a major role to play at the top levels of government. But non-violent democrats will be thrown in jail if they demonstrate their opinion. This is why the top member of the dictatorship, Khin Nyunt, was greeting amphetamine kingpin Wei Hsueh-kang in northern Burma on the day the dissidents seized the Burmese embassy in Bangkok. It explains why Gen Khin Nyunt and associates abuse and refuse to talk with the elected democrats of Burma, or their leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

In the past two years since the lamentable decision to award Burma membership in respectable Asean, Rangoon has become increasingly defiant, intractable and dangerous. Its current policies include open and profitable association with major druglords. These men have been identified by all top officials as the single greatest threat to Thai society. Wei Hsueh-kang, as most Thais know by now, is the leading supplier and manufacturer of amphetamine-type drugs to our country. The leader of the United Wa State Army has been granted land, patronage and political powers next to the Thai border, to facilitate his drug trafficking. He has been fully protected by Rangoon authorities from the beginning. His only cost is an agreement not to fight Rangoon soldiers and perhaps-this is a strong rumour-hefty cash donations, which he can afford.

Rangoon's poorly considered statement last week said that Wei and his ilk can be convinced to grow useful crops instead of opium. There is only one trouble with this extremely late conversion to crop substitutionpolicies: Wei is chiefly involved in the amphetamine trade, not opium and heroin. He has opened and developed a new drug addiction in Thailand. The dangers of a political explosion in Burma increase, virtually by the day. No dictatorship is forever-even the current junta took over after they ruthlessly slaughtered thousands of Burmese in an abortive democracy uprising in 1988. Instead of working towards a peaceful transition in Rangoon, the military leaders appear to relish the threat of more street demonstrations and violence. Asean cannot afford such unnecessary tumult. There is no way to quantify the effect on confidence that the past 18 months of violence in Indonesia has caused. Clearly, it has been massive. Investors have stayed away from Aseanand from Thailand because of the perception that it may be politically unstable.

The generals of Burma once aspired to emulate the Indonesian army leaders. What a fine idea this is now. Rangoon dictators can show they, too, can adapt to change. They could legalise democracy songs, and talk to loyal Burmese about a smooth change of system. And they could outlaw drug trafficking and become good, law-abiding Asean citizens-as they prepare to bow out of politics. There happens to be an arrest warrant out for Wei in Thailand, as well as in America. But this country would be delighted if Burma simply did its own law- enforcement duty and arrested Wei on charges of drug trafficking.

The dictators, obviously addicted to the drug trader's help, will not do that. They insist they are fighting the drug trade as effectively as they can. The great fear is that they are right.

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