Burma's
Iron Butterfly
By Mark Baker in Rangoon
- The Age (Melbourne) - October 7, 2002
Burma's seemingly
interminable wait for its promised democracy is beginning to take its
toll on Aung San Suu Kyi, writes Asia Editor Mark Baker in Rangoon.
She sits
on an old wooden chair with a simple floral cover in the cramped room
that has become home to a nation's desperate ambition for peace. Lines
have appeared on a face that once seemed eternally young and there is
a tiredness in the famous dark eyes that betrays a burden that grows
only heavier as the years slip by.
It is 14
years since Aung San Suu Kyi came home to Burma from England on what
she expected to be a brief visit to nurse her dying mother - only to
be caught up in the maelstrom of a bloody democracy uprising that transformed
her into the embodiment of her people's hopes and an international emblem
of courage. Now she is 57 and a grandmother twice over, and still the
struggle drags on. In May, when Suu Kyi was released from the second
round of her eight long years under house arrest, there was international
celebration at the prospect of a breakthrough that would lead Burma
out of four decades of military dictatorship. In a
public statement that echoed private promises of an early start to talks
on national reconciliation, the regime declared: "We shall recommit
ourselves to allowing all our citizens to participate freely in the
life our political process while giving priority to national unity,
peace and stability."
Five months
later, the world and Aung San Suu Kyi are still waiting.
"Intentions
are not enough. We think that the time is ripe, over ripe, for concrete
steps to be taken," she says, backing warningsby diplomats and
aid agency officials that stonewalling by the generals on political
change, combined with rapidly deteriorating economic conditions in Burma,
could trigger a fresh eruption of public protests.
"I see
this in all the places I've been in recent months. People are increasingly
unhappy about the whole situation, not just about the economy but about
the state of education, about the state of health care, about many things.
There's a lot of frustration, there's no doubt about it. That is why
I think there is a need for speedy change. It's not enough just talking
about change, there has to be change."
While she
stops short of endorsing predictions that popular anger and resentment
could lead to a reprise of the 1988 pro-democracy protests that triggered
a brutal military crackdown in which an estimated 10,000 civilians were
killed, there's an implicit warning: "Let's just say this frustration
is building up to an unhealthy level. I don't know that I would go as
far as to say a dangerous level, but certainly it's undesirable and
unhealthy that there should be so much frustration among the people."
We meet at
the headquarters of her National League for Democracy, the party that
won 82 per cent of seats in the 1990 elections the generals were sure
they could control but refused to honour when they were repudiated overwhelmingly
by the people. It's a ramshackle old shopfront house not far from the
gilded spire of Rangoon's famous Shwedagon Pagoda. The foyer, crowded
with party workers, is decorated with political posters and huge portraits
of Suu Kyi's father - the hero of Burma's struggle for independence
from the British, General Aung San - and eight other members of the
cabinet assassinated in 1947. There's a stall selling shirts and postcards
that carry one of the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize winner's most famous quotations:
"There will be change because all the military have is guns."
In the upstairs
conference room that doubles as Suu Kyi's office, she struggles to project
the confidence of that statement in the face of mounting evidence the
regime has no intention of relinquishing power any time soon. "Of
course we have made progress in the past 14 years, there's no doubt
about it, but it's not fast enough for the country," she says.
"We have managed to survive and that's something. I believe we
are closer to achieving democracy. It's closer, but it's not close enough.
There is so much that needs to be done in this country and we can't
afford a moment's delay."
She concedes,
almost defensively, that she has been given no indication of when the
regime might finally move on its promises of reform, promises repeated
during last week's visit to Rangoon by Australian Foreign Minister Alexander
Downer. "There are no secret deals, if that's what you mean,"
she says. Senior diplomats believe her talks with the regime during
her most recent period in detention have dried up.
Suu Kyi has
just finished a long meeting with a large group of women - the wives
and mothers of some of the more than 700 NLD members and supporters
still imprisoned for their activism. There have been dozens of fresh
political arrests in recent weeks, suggesting that more, not less, repression
lies ahead. The party has been able to reopen about 60 of more than
300 former offices around the country, but has had difficulty finding
land and willing landlords. Party workers and supporters are still subjected
to the harassment and intimidation that discourages many Burmese from
risking involvement in politics or even assisting the democracy movement,
despite indications that the vast majority of Burmese still see the
NLD and its leader as the only hope for their future. "Certainly
there is fear and nervousness," says Suu Kyi. "There are many
people who think they should not get involved in politics because it
will get them into trouble, but I think there are also those who just
don't know what they can do, or who think that they are totally powerless
and that they have no control whatsoever over what is happening in this
country. What we do try to do is teach them about the power of the powerless.
"We
get a lot of support from the international community, but our people
must realise that we have to bear the main responsibility for bringing
change to this country and everyone can contribute to that in their
day-to-day lives. I welcome foreign support but, at the same time, it's
up to us in Burma to do everything we can to make sure that the right
change comes as fast as possible."
Suu Kyi is
now allowed to travel, but is still followed wherever she goes. Her
family's house beside Rangoon's Inya Lake and the party offices are
kept under close surveillance and her telephones are monitored. There
is still no Internet or unrestricted facsimile transmission in this
military police state with its vast network of spies and informers "So
far I've been able to go where I want to go, but I'm not unwatched.
I'm aware of the fact that I'm followed, because sometimes I do see
cars parked at crucial corners. I know that I'm watched and I'm followed,
but that doesn't particularly bother me."
Asked how
she copes with the unending pressures of leadership and the growing
demands on her time, she simply says: "I keep busy. I go from day
to day. I've got very supportive colleagues. I'm very fortunate."
She insists the ending of her detention has made little difference to
her personally. "I've always felt free. I don't think I felt less
free because I was under house arrest. Freedom is a state of mind. Of
course, I can move about a lot more easily than I've been able to do
for many years, but I don't think I feel any different really. I've
always felt free within myself."
But the long
struggle continues to exact a heavy personal price, a price that she
has often been reluctant to discuss. Her husband, Tibetan scholar Michael
Aris, died of prostate cancer in 1999, four years after his last visit
to Rangoon. In another of the regime's innumerable cruelties, Aris was
denied a visa to make a final visit to see his wife. Suu Kyi also missed
his funeral, recognising that if she left Burma she would never be allowed
to return. Her sons, Alexander, 29, and Kim, 25, have both grown up
without their mother and have been able to visit Rangoon only a few
times over the past 14 years. Now their children are growing up without
a grandmother. While Kim visited Rangoon with his son last year, Suu
Kyi has yet to see her youngest grandchild, born this year to Alexander
and his wife.
"I haven't
seen my sons since my release. That's not necessarily because the authorities
have put any obstacles in their way," she says. "It's just
that the time has not been right for them to come. And let's see, when
the time is right, whether they'll be able to come." Judging by
the Burmese junta's recent moves, it could be a long wait.
DAW AUNG
SAN SUU KYI MESSAGE TO THE 56TH SESSION OF THE UN COMMISSION ON HUMAN
RIGHTS
GENEVA, MARCH 2000
It is now
almost a decade since the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has
been looking into the state of human rights in Burma. We are duly grateful
for all that has been done over the years but of course much remains to
be done
One of the
main problems is that the present military regime tries to separate civil
and political rights from economic, social and cultural rights. We would
like to point out that this cannot be done. Economic, social and cultural
rights are inextricably linked to political and civil rights. If we look
at the state of the Burmese economy today, it is clear that the main troubles
are due to mismanagement - mismanagement by the administration. We have
said again and again that the state of the Burmese economy is due largely
to bad governance. Until there is good governance, our economy cannot be
improved. The observations of trained economists and international financial
institutions have pointed out that the main troubles of the Burmese economy
are due to the lack of proper macroeconomics policies on the part of the
military regime. It is due to such factors as an unreasonable and unrealistic
rate of exchange. In a democratic country, such things would not be allowed
to pass because there would be a democratic assembly representing the peoples'
interest which would call the ruling government to order. So economic improvements
cannot be brought about until there is a certain extent of political rights
on the part of the people. [1]
As for cultural,
social and economic matters, how can we separate them from politics? Our
country is made up of many ethnic nationalities. Their rights have to be
guarded by the government. The rights of ethnic nationalities include the
right to develop their own culture, to develop their own kind of social
system. In Burma today, although the military regime claims that it has
achieved unity with the ethnic nationalities, the truth is that our ethnic
nationalities are suffering greatly from repression of all kinds. For example
in the Mon state, in recent years since this military regime came to power,
the teaching of Mon language in schools has been prohibited. Now if this
is not an infringement of the cultural rights of an ethnic people, what
is. Language is very important. Language is one of the most important parts
of any cultural package. If a people are not allowed to teach their own
language how are they expected to pass on their cultural heritage. This
is just an example of the kind of social and cultural injustice that exists
in Burma today. [2]
In order
to remove these injustices, the ethnic nationality peoples, like the rest
of the people of Burma must be given a voice. They must be given a right
to express their opinions, to be able to work for their aspirations, to
be able to enjoy the full rights of citizens of a free democratic nation.
The Burmese people who constitute the majority in Burma also suffer from
a grave lack of human rights. If we cannot remedy this situation soon,
our country will get poorer and poorer. Our country will get poorer not
just in material terms. We are not talking about foreign exchange reserves.
We are not talking about gold reserves. What we are talking about is our
people. We are going to get poorer in terms of human resources. This is
mainly because this regime pays so very little attention to the education
of our people.
For the military
regime, the most important thing is to keep their hold on power, not to
lose their grip on power. In order to keep their grip on power they are
prepared to sacrifice the future of our young people. Universities in Burma
have been shut over the last few years. Some universities, some faculties
were opened, reopened for a short period. Some are opened at the moment.
But in general the universities of Burma remain shut. There is also the
dangerous development that members of the armed forces are educated separately.
Medical colleges and engineering colleges are kept opened for members of
the armed forces while the civilian population is deprived of higher education.
This does not augur well for the future of our country. We will become
a house divided. We will become a nation made up of two classes, the military
elite and the rest. This does not augur well either for the military or
for the civilians. [3]
A nation
can progress and prosper only when there is unity, and only when there
is a general acceptance among the people that there is justice. In no country
can justice be guaranteed a hundred percent. Even in established democracies
a continuous effort has to be made to uphold justice, equality, and human
rights. In a country like ours which is totally crushed by a military regime,
justice is a dream. But it is a dream that we are determined to realize.
This is why we are working for democracy in Burma. And this is why we ask
the world to support our cause.
There are
those who say that nothing works. There are those who claim that the help
of the international community is not going to make democratization come
any earlier to Burma. This is not so. The help of the international community
does make a difference. This military regime understands, like all governments
in all countries understand today, that no country can remain separate
from the rest of the world. There are so many links - economic, cultural.
Mainly economic and of course scientific [and] technological [links] between
the nations of the world that whether we like it or not, we would not be
able to undo those things, they will remain, and because of that, the international
community can help greatly to bring about the fast democratization of our
country.
Our people
are the most precious resource that we have. There are many people who
talk about the natural resources of Burma. They keep on saying, particularly
the military regime, keeps on harping on the rich natural resources of
our country. For us the richest resource is the human one. It is our people
who are precious to us. If a people are uncared for and uneducated, they
will not be able to do anything about using the natural resources for the
good of the nation. So our first care is our people. We want to make sure
that our people enjoy security, enjoy freedom and they enjoy the right
to advance themselves. That is to say they enjoy the right to education.
Health and
education for us are the two most important things. And we want to provide
our people with good health care, good education. And to do that we need
an accountable, transparent government. A government that is not there
to oppress the people but to do the best that it can for the people. We
want a system whereby the people are allowed to judge whether or not the
government in power is actually working for the good of the nation or simply
for the good of that government itself. [4]
For this
right many people in Burma have made many sacrifices. In spite of the scrutiny
of international community, violations of human rights in Burma continue.
It continues at a disgraceful rate. Quite recently, a man in his 70s was
sentenced to two years imprisonment because he had listened to the Voice
of America on the radio. While he was under trial his wife, also elderly
and unwell, died because she was so troubled by the pressure exerted on
them by the authorities. In which country of the world are people so oppressed
that listening to a radio service serves them with two years of imprisonment?
[5]
So please
understand that the situation of human rights in Burma is not getting better.
It seems to be getting worse. The greater the people desire democracy,
the more frantic the military regime becomes to oppress them, to try to
dissuade them from working for democracy; which is why the greater our
peoples' desire for democracy, the greater the need for help from the international
community. Please do not forget that instability in one part of the world
could spread very rapidly these days. I hope that the world would be able
to take an example of what happened recently in East Timor and learn to
help when help is needed and not only when help is overdue.
I would like
to thank you very much on behalf of the peoples of Burma and on behalf
of the democratic forces who are struggling that not just our country but
the world may be a safer, freer place for all peoples of the world.
NOTES
[1]
Examination
of budget allocations makes clear the SPDC's priority for military spending
and the lack of concern for the well being of the general population. According
to the World Bank, use of public hospitals and dispensaries has fallen
by 80% in the last 10 years due to an extraordinarily low budgetary outlay
of 0.2%. Current government spending for education as a share of national
income "is among the lowest in the world." For schoolchildren between the
ages of 5-9, the government spent 1,200 kyat (about 3.5 US dollars) per
child in 1990/91. This has fallen to 100 kyat (0.30 US dollars) in 1999/2000.
Rather than
improve this situation, the military regime has announced a supplementary
budget to cover this year's deficit, and it includes more spending for
construction and defense. Additional expenditure is as follows:
a) Construction:12.69
billion kyat ($39.05 million)
b) Defense:
6.27 billion kyat ($19.29 million)
c) Education
1.357 billion kyat ($4.17 million)
d) Health
1.085 billion kyat ($4.38 million)
Diplomats
have commented that much defense spending is not included in official figures,
indicating that actual spending for the military is much higher. If looking
at official figures alone, defense spending equals 16 times the amount
spent on health.
INFORMATION
FROM:
* Myanmar:
An Economic and Social Assessment, Talking points for Burma Roundtable
at Human Rights Watch. Bradley Babson, Senior Advisor, World Bank. 16 December
1999.
* "Extra
Burmese budget big on army spending," The Nation. 21 March 2000. P A7.
[2]
In order
to maintain and develop Mon culture, the New Mon State Party (NMSP) established
approximately 250 schools before signing a cease-fire agreement with the
SLORC in 1995. After signing the agreement, Mon communities assumed that
they would be able to continue building more schools, and the NMSP officially
requested the SLORC to allow the teaching of Mon language in government
schools. The SLORC denied this request, but said Mon schools could be built.
As the Mon
education improved, many students from government schools moved to attend
Mon schools, prompting the regime to begin closing the Mon schools. For
example, in October 1999, an order was sent to close a Mon school operating
out of a monastery in Kwan-tar village, Mudon Township, Mon State. The
order came from Military Intelligence, and the Chairman of the local Peace
and Development Council was responsible for carrying out the order. The
day after the order was issued, the village headman called a meeting with
all students' parents and explained that the school had to close because
it was an illegal institution and teaching of Mon language was also illegal.
INFORMATION
FROM: * The Mon Forum, issue no 11/99, November 30, 1999.
[3]
Between 1988
and 1996, universities were open for a total of only 30 months. After December
of 1996, they were completely closed until recently. In December 1999,
some campuses were opened, but were moved to locations outside the cities.
Such conditions made it difficult, if not impossible, for many students
to attend. Much depends on their financial capacity to pay for transportation
from their homes or for accommodations near the university. At some universities,
students were made to sign papers promising not to engage in any political
activity. They were warned that if there were any demonstrations, campuses
would be closed again.
Indeed, some campuses
have already closed. Some universities were restructured to become "Government
Technical Colleges" (GTC) which reduced the university degrees from university
to college level. Students in Thanlyin and Hmaw Bi (Rangoon Division)
staged protests, calling for cancellation of the new system and improved
teaching environments. As a result, those GTCs were closed.
INFORMATION
FROM:
* ABSDF
Media Release, "The ABSDF calls for the reopening of all universities and
for better education" 6 February 2000.
* NCUB:
Letter to UNESCO-Reopen the Universities, National Council of the Union
of Burma Foreign Affairs Committee. 17 January 2000.
[4]
As mentioned
in Note [1], there is a clear lack of commitment by the military regime
in Burma to taking care of the health and educational needs of the general
population, and the repercussions are severe. Approximately 35% of the
population has no access to public primary health care services of any
kind.
There is
an HIV/AIDS crisis in Burma. While the regime claims that only 25,000 people
have tested positive for HIV in Burma, the UN AIDS program has cited 440,000
as a more realistic figure. Official SPDC statistics say the maternal mortality
rate is 1.00 urban and 1.7 rural per 1000 live births. Other sources, however,
have indicated much higher, at 517 per 100,000 live births. The under-5
mortality rate in 1997 was 114, and Burma has the 3rd highest mortality
rate in Asia, behind Cambodia and Laos.
INFORMATION
FROM:
* Alternative
Perspectives, Other Voices: Assessing Gender Equality in Burma. Submission
to the 23rd session of the Committee of the Convention on Elimination of
All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Images Asia. December 1999.
* Report
on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women, The Union of Myanmar. March 1999.
* State
of the World's Children 1999 UNICEF.
[5]
On 18 December
1999, U Than Chaun, the 70-year old proprietor of a coffee shop in Shwe-goo
township, Kachin State, was arrested and his radio which was tuned to the
Voice of America (Burmese broadcast) was seized. On 19 January 2000, he
was charged and sentenced to 2 years imprisonment under Section 505 (b)
of the Penal Code. U Than Chaun's wife was suffering from heart ailment
and high blood pressure, and she passed away while he was in prison. He
himself suffers medical problems which have now become life threatening.
INFORMATION
FROM: * NLD Statement 21 (2/00) (translation)
VCDs
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's message are available for USD12 incl. postage
and handling. These VCDs can be played a MPEG on PCs with CD, or on VCD/DVD
players with PAL system. Pls allow 3-5 weeks for delivery, depending on
your location.
A
L T S E A N - B U R M A Alternative Asean Network on Burma Tel: 66 2 275
1811 * Fax: 66 2 693 4515
Zarni,
Ph.D. Assistant Professor, Educational Foundations and Research National-Louis
University 122 S. Michigan Avenue, Room 3082 Chicago, IL 60603 USA Tel:
(312) 621-9650, Ext. 3138 Fax: (312) 261-3024
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